The Balkans provides the ‘worst case scenario’ that

The end of the cold war in Western
Europe brought a new emphasis on coming up with a uniquely European tactic to
security. The need of a new approach was impelled by a number of factors,
including the need of a structure to enable West European involvement in
non-European conflicts and the wish to embed German amalgamation in the course
of European incorporation and, in the course of Iraqi raid of Kuwait in 1990.
The plan of escalating the European Community role was divided into two parts:
to look at economic and political features of security; and a possible role for
the European Community in security policy, firstly via tauter associations
between the Western European Union (WEU) and European Community, and a more
unified “Security Policy and Common Foreign” (CFSP), improving on the processes
of European Political Cooperation to look at economic and political aspect of

              The security community is expanding as a
result of European Union self-perception and origins which are compelled by the
determination to create long-lasting harmony. The importance’s mechanisms
explore are the neighborhood policies and European Union’s enlargements that
are more understood when examined using the concepts of concentric circles. The
method used by EU in expanding its security community is comprehensible with
its readiness to act and be seen as a regional security actor. For an instance,
the progression of the European Union involvement in the Western Balkan is seen
as an ideal example showing that the European Union actions are founded on a
mix of the two conceptual approaches initially mentioned in the introduction
part of this discussion that mostly help it to be a regional security actor.
The situation during the 1990s in the case of Western Balkans provides the
‘worst case scenario’ that is both in terms of intensity and geographical
proximity– centered on the succession of armed battles at the doorstep of the
European Union (Biscop&Andersson, 2007.p.89). The whole scenario turned out
to be a dramatic failure for the European Union and it began its turning point
in its rhetoric and actions directed to its neighbors.

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the Western Balkans was a region in which the European Union had and currently
has the sturdiest inspiration to expand its security in the community. In
Europe, there are still some security intimidations and problems faced by
members as expressed in the ESS. Balkan’s conflict emergence was a reminder
that war was still prevalent on the continent (Urwin, 2014.p. 145).Through the
incorporation of the Western Balkans into the European security, a community is
that via the EU it has industrialized into two key tools as highlighted in the
ESS implementation description: “in the whole region, good neighborly and cooperation
are crucial where the latter being a certain type of conditionality
(Deighton,2002.p.178). In addition, this is a situation showing the European
Union pragmatic basis since in its other sidelines, the European Union
intentions for action are only weaker forms of the same. In general, the
regional European Union founded security community is a multi-speed security
community, resilient at its essential and feebler as it extends towards its

the European Union Security community attempts to enlarge both in pragmatic and
ideational positions. The EU sees itself as both peaceful hegemon and normative
authority, hence interpreting its mission for harmony in judgments that are
mostly at the helm of its consecutive expansions and its readiness’s to perform
as a national security actor in its surrounding. The post entrants Europe
denotes to Europe after the 2004-2007 European Union expansions and means we
remain in the period where big thump expansions of the European Union are
concluded and the delineations of the European scheme are more or not known,
presumptuous the Western Balkans ultimately increase concurrence (Webber,
The post -2004 efforts to come up with a close incorporation with designated
post-Soviet nations have particularly not accomplished the intended involvement
of the ‘European Security Community’ further east. Although the European Union
approach intended to the eastern neighbors should positively not be viewed as
the only crucial basis of the ‘insecurity region’ between the European Union
eastern borderline. It is thus hard to evade the verdict that engagements such
the EaP and ENP have been an essential fragment in these signs of progress.

             The accomplishment of European Union has been
to help the formation of wealthy, steady and thriving ruled nations in Europe
applying the transformative influence of expansion, however, that’s aim is not
whole as the countries of the Western Balkans and Turkey and many more in the
East have a European prospect. The problem nowadays for the European Union is
how it can repeat that attainment to the south which comprises nations whose
prospect may not lie as part of the European Union even though its success may
be closely tied to European (Acharya, 2014.p.112). The European community
security has been able to encourage and inspire developments of peaceful
interactions beyond its limits. Nevertheless, the expansion of European Union
security community in the whole of a continent is faced with a lot of problems
that the EU as a standard exporter is incompetent in resolving. Therefore, in
the whole of the region encouraging harmony and constancy on one side and
equality and the rule of law on the other always seems hard to reunite
(Howorth, 2014.p.88). As it is always argued stability and security are the key
urgencies of the European Union associate states in the area and political
alteration towards democratization were supposed as possibly undermining and
would hence be subordinated to the upkeep of national solidity”.

The goal of the European security
community expansion is to promote the integration of the partner countries
within the EU and acknowledge the weaknesses and the challenges they pose to
greater expansion. The said weaknesses represent greater challenges to the partner
countries and Europe as a whole. Moreover, it is impossible to talk about the
close ties within the EU without acknowledging the presence of the Russian
Federation which is a third large party. Ever since Vladimir Putin took over
power, Russia has been aggressive in preventing countries perceived as closer
to it’s economic, political and cultural circle from pursuing closer ties with
Western Europe (Sokolsky, 2017, 14). One of the recent examples is the Ukraine
crisis and such weaknesses need to be critically examined within the
partnership between the EU and Russia. 

Since the year 1989, European security
community saw the need for the Eastern partnership in the creation of
well-governed stable and prosperous nations along the EU eastern borders. The
partnership allowed the choice of the model of engagement between each of the
countries and the EU within its free and sovereign will. Several summits were
conducted to reshape the partnership policy basing on the inclusivity principle
for all the countries within the framework and look upon the increasing need
for differentiation among each of the countries (Geyer, 2016, 45).

Ever since the fall of the Berlin wall
a new security system has been created in Europe this includes several
organizations interacting and complementing each other. Each of the
organizations has different membership and differing mandates. The present
European security community and its partnership with others have created a very
stable nucleus, in which threats of war or even war between the countries has
disappeared at least for the members in organizations such as the Western
European Union, European Union, and NATO. The post-1989 European security
community has been very successful in the meantime regarding the partnership and
cooperation (Menon, and Sedelmeier, 2010, 84).

After the 1997 partnership and
cooperation agreement between the EU and Russia, there appeared to be a rosy
future for the two stakeholders. The two sides grew apart when Russian domestic
situations changed particularly because Russia insisted on being treated as “an
equal” implying a growing but hidden disagreement about the values regarding
the EU enlargement. The 2008 war in Georgia also deepened the gap between the
Europe and Russia and even foreshadowed the divisive split that followed.
During president, Medvedev era relationship between Russia and EU warmed but
the EU overlooked critical signs that would have sowed alarm (Copsey, and
Pomorska, 2014, 430). During the third term of president Putin, things changed
fundamentally as Kremlin tried to stop the EU’s Eastern Partners efforts to
move closer to Europe. Russia wanted “new rules” threatening the alternative
“no rules at all” (Sokolsky, 2017, 16). Russia was now seen a “strategic
problem” rather than the “strategic partner” as it was sometimes back. However,
the outcome of Ukraine will play an important and decisive role both in the
relationship between Russia and Europe and its future.

The Helsinki process facilitated the
‘cooperative security’ and the need for self-reliance saw the rise of North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) states. The European security community
also saw the informally and contextually bound groups of practitioners who are
like-minded and have a shared interest forming NATO states to Central and
Eastern European nations during the 1990s. Signs of integration and cooperation
have been expressed by Russians, for example, the 1994 when Austria, Norway,
Sweden and Finland treaties of accession to the EU were signed, also signed was
the extensive Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) between Russia and
EU. In the event held in Greece, 16 EU leaders were present to witness the
accession of the counties (Maltby, 2013, 440). Also present was the Russian
president, Boris Yeltsin who expressed Russia’s vision to reform, democratize
and eventually integrate with Europe. However, when Moscow demanded to be
treated as “an equal” it simply means that it won’t accept the EU principles of
behavior upon joining and hence Europe should negotiate these behaviors. In the
long run, Russia began to complicate its attitude towards western organizations
which eventually made NATO membership from becoming realistic for Moscow.
Although the country is powerful it failed to embrace the NATO goals.

The year 2004 saw the entry of ten
countries of central and Eastern Europe in the European Union, these are Czech
Republic, Lithuania, Malta, Hungary, Cyprus, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Slovenia,
and Slovakia. Other three countries remained candidate countries and they
included Bulgaria, Romania, and Turkey. However, Bulgaria and Romania both in
Eastern Europe joined the EU in January 2007 bringing the number of member
countries to 27. Between the years 2004 and 2007, the EU mainly focused on
signing and amending the previous treaties so the EU can be more efficient,
transparent and democratic so together member states can be able to tackle the
global challenges including climate change, sustainable development, and
regional security (Christou, 2010, 423). The treaty of Lisbon was signed on
13th December 2007 and it ratified all the 27 EU member countries before
entering into force two years later.


From the above discussion, it is clear
that the post-1989 expansion of the European security community has been
successful in several ways including the 2004-2007 entrants which comprised of
eight former communist countries into the European sphere. This significantly
extended the European zone of peace extending from Baltic region in the north
and the black sea to the south. Eastern Partnership and Russia cooperation also
saw the European security community extend and have more partners in fighting
common enemies including terrorists and controlling crime. The western Balkan
countries which surround EU members’ states are also seen as a key role in the
regional integration and cooperation.